By a Correspondent
A prominent American think tank has exposed Pakistan’s hypocrisy on terror by asserting it has a two-pronged strategy on terror groups, “to take overt action against groups targeting the Pakistani state and citizenry — like the Tekrik-e-Taliban Pakistan — without taking action against the groups it has considered “strategic assets,” including the Afghan Taliban that have sought sanctuary on its soil and anti-India militants that its intelligence agencies have covertly supported.
In a report drawn up as a background paper for President Joe Biden, titled “Non-state armed actors and illicit economies: What the Biden administration needs to know,” the Brookings Institution points out why Pakistan uses the two-pronged strategy: “This approach has been an effort to hedge bets: regarding the Taliban’s possible influence in Afghanistan after an international withdrawal, and regarding militant proxies who may give Pakistan parity on an otherwise lopsided conventional military footing with India. There are signs some of this is changing. For instance, Pakistan has developed a good relationship with Kabul, especially in recent months, but it also knows its leverage over the Taliban keeps it relevant to the Afghan peace process.”
Lending credence to this report, the US Department of State, in its “Country Reports on Terrorism” compiled by the Bureau of Counter-Terrorism, asserts: “Pakistan continued to serve as a safe haven for certain regionally focused terrorist groups. It allowed groups targeting Afghanistan, including the Afghan Taliban and affiliated HQN, as well as groups targeting India, including LeT and its affiliated front organizations, and JeM, to operate from its territory.”
The US report dismisses Pakistan’s claims of having taken strict action against terror groups operating from its soil. “Thus far, however, Islamabad has yet to take decisive actions against Indian- and Afghanistan-focused militants who would undermine their operational capability….they have made no effort to use domestic authorities to prosecute other terrorist leaders such as JeM founder Masood Azhar and Sajid Mir, the mastermind of LeT’s 2008 Mumbai attacks, both of whom are widely believed to reside in Pakistan under the protection of the state, despite government denials.”
Authored by Madiha Afzal, a David M. Rubenstein Fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings focusing on Pakistan, the Brookings report says “anti-India militant groups continue to have a foothold in Pakistan”. On the question of Pakistan taking action against the Lashkar e-Taiba (LeT) in recent years, especially in the wake of its enhanced monitoring by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) in 2018 for terrorism financing, the report says: “The United States has acknowledged these steps, but has argued that Pakistan needs to hold these LeT leaders accountable for more than terrorism financing. Pakistan has taken less action against Jaish-e-Mohammad, the terrorist group responsible for the Pulwama attack of February 2019; its leader, Masood Azhar, is at large.”
On Pakistan’s claims that it is taking actions against terror groups inside the country, the report points out: “Yet the long-term sustainability of actions Pakistan has taken in response to pressure from FATF remains to be seen; will they be reversed when the FATF grey-listing is lifted? And what happens after the international withdrawal from Afghanistan is complete?”
The report makes light of Pakistan’s consistent claims that India is backing terror activities on Pakistan soil. Rather, it says: “Placing the blame on India for terrorism in Pakistan is something the country has long done, although not always in as direct a manner as in 2020. Beyond linking the recent ISIS-K attack with India, Pakistan also linked the Baluch Liberation Army’s June 2020 attack on the Karachi Stock Exchange with its eastern neighbor. In November, the Pakistani foreign minister, in a splashy press conference, released details of the “dossier” Pakistan has compiled linking India to funding, arming, and training terrorists (including the TTP) against Pakistan.
Only the summary — not the full dossier — discussed in that meeting has been made public. The Pakistani government says it has shared the dossier with the U.N. and various governments, but those parties have not publicly acknowledged it.” The Brookings report seeks to understand why Pakistan plays cat and mouse games with terrorism and concludes there is “an unwillingness of the Pakistani state to paint all jihadist groups with the same brush, to recognize the linkages in ideology that connect them all — and to acknowledge how those ideologies find fodder in Pakistan’s laws, educational curricula, politics, and indeed the very nature of how Pakistan has defined itself”. In this context, author Madiha Afzal goes straight to the root of the problem as she sees it: “That lack of recognition of how terrorism and extremism are connected, and of the very roots of extremism, is the crux of the problem: Militant groups can always find recruits, from other groups or from the general population. Non-armed right-wing fundamentalist groups, notably the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), share these ideologies, glorify violence and enjoy growing support and sympathy.”
The report suggests Pakistan is perhaps not really interested in driving the terror groups from its soil It provides a convincing explanation for this attitude of Pakistan’s by saying: “For a brief time after the Peshawar school attack of 2014, there was some clarity in recognizing the homegrown nature of the Pakistan Taliban, and the country devised a National Action Plan to tackle extremism and terrorism. While it was incomplete and never acknowledged the deeper roots of extremism, it was a start. But it has gone by the wayside as the Pakistani state has turned back once again to blaming India for terrorism in the country.”
On Pakistan’s relations with Afghanistan, the Brookings report says the TTP, once a target of attack by Pakistan, is beginning to revive itself once again. “The TTP has been regrouping since last summer. Various breakaway factions pledged allegiance to the group last July, and there are reports of it making a comeback in at least six districts in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The TTP killed at least 40 security forces between March and September, 2020. On the other end, the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement, an ethnic protest movement, has alleged that ‘the Taliban are being allowed to return’ to the tribal areas in a ‘secret deal with the military’. Pakistan has vehemently denies this, but without providing any proof.
According to the report, the TTP “maintains ties with the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida” and its comeback is probably “linked with the Afghan peace process and Pakistan’s fencing of the border with Afghanistan, both of which threaten the group’s sanctuary in Afghanistan” A UN report from July, 2020 stated there were 6,000 Pakistani fighters in Afghanistan, most affiliated with the TTP.
The report claims Pakistan may have made a deal with Afghanistan on the terror issue: “There has also been some speculation that the Afghan peace process might include, at some point, a separate Afghan-Pakistan deal, with Afghanistan denying safe haven to the TTP potentially in return for Pakistan denying sanctuary to the Haqqanis (though it is unclear whether that will be possible, or acceptable to Pakistan). Pakistan has already raised questions about Afghanistan’s sanctuary for the TTP.”
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